En Julio 29, 2016 los servicios de inmigración estadounidense (USCIS por sus siglas en inglés) anuncio una regla final que extiende el proceso de exención provisional (I-601A) a personas que son el…
En Julio 29, 2016 los servicios de inmigración estadounidense (USCIS por sus siglas en inglés) anuncio una regla final que extiende el proceso de exención provisional (I-601A) a personas que son elegibles para una visa.
¿Qué es el Proceso de Exención Provisional? El Proceso de Exención Provisional (I-601) es un proceso que permite a personas que son parientes inmediatos de un ciudadano estadounidense procesar una exención de la presencia no autorizada en los Estados Unidos. Esta exención provisional se procesa en los Estados Unidos, manteniendo a las familias unidas, antes de la cita en consulado extranjero.
Esta exención provisional es únicamente para personas cuales nos son admisible por su presencia sin autorización legal en los Estados Unidos y cuales tienen parientes inmediatos que sufrirán penuria extrema si la exención no es aprobada.
Previo a la nueva expansión, el proceso de exención provisional de inadmisibilidad era reservada para los hijos y/o esposos de ciudadanos estadounidenses. Ahora, gracias a la expansión, los parientes inmediatos de Residentes Permanentes (LPRs por sus siglas en inglés) también serán elegibles.
La expansión del proceso de exención provisional trae buenas noticias para los parientes inmediatos de Residentes.
Recuerde: ¡La expansión de la regla no entra en vigor hasta Agosto 29, 2016! Si se archiva una exención provisional antes de esta fecha, la solicitud puede ser rechazada.
Para más información, por favor visite a los servicios de inmigración estadounidense (USCIS).
On July 29, 2016 the United States Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) announced a final rule expanding the provisional waiver of unlawful presence (I-601A) to all individuals statutorily eligible for visas.
Previously, the provisional waiver process was only available to spouses and children of United States citizens. This is great news for spouses and children of United States legal permanent residents (LPRs) that have a visa available and whose immediate relatives would suffer extreme hardship if the waivers were denied.
If you are part of the expanded group, do not file before the rule goes into effect. New rule goes into effect on August 29, 2016. If you file earlier, the waiver may be denied.
For more information: Please visit the United States and Citizenship Services (USCIS).
Dear Immigration & Education Hub Readers, DACA status is still available. Those that have current DACA status can continue to submit renewal of DACA and employment authorizations.
Please see the following USCIS Announcement on DACA Status:
“The Supreme Court’s 4-4 decision in United States v. Texas on June 23, 2016, does not affect the existing 2012 policy regarding Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA). Individuals who meet the 2012 DACA guidelines may continue to come forward and file an initial or renewal request for DACA under those guidelines. For more information, see uscis.gov/daca.”
“The Supreme Court decision does, however, mean that the court injunction prohibiting implementation of DAPA (Deferred Action for Parents of Americans and Lawful Permanent Residents) and expanded DACA remains in effect.”
“USCIS reminds the public about the risk of immigration scams, in case scammers try to exploit the situation. Get tips for protecting yourself and your loved ones at uscis.gov/avoidscams or in Spanish at uscis.gov/es/eviteestafas.”
Please visit the http://www.uscis.gov for more DACA related information.
Jonathan fue llevado a los EE.UU sin papeles en 1996 cuando él tenía cinco años de edad, y no ha abandonado el país desde entonces. Él terminó la preparatoria (high school) y ha estado trabajando como mesero en un restaurante por varios años. Jonathan se casó en el 2013, y su cónyuge es residente legal permanente. ¿Hay alguna forma para que Jonathan obtenga estatus legal?
Sí. El primer paso de Jonathan es aplicar para la Acción Diferida para los Llegados en la Infancia (DACA), que proporciona protección contra la deportación y un permiso de trabajo para algunas personas traídas a los EE.UU. indocumentadas antes de cumplir los 16 años de edad; entre otros requisitos, los jóvenes elegibles para DACA deben tener por lo menos 15 años de edad al momento de someter la solicitud, demostrar presencia continua en los EE.UU. desde el 15 de junio del 2007, ser menores de 31 años de edad hasta el día 15 de junio del 2012 y haberse graduado de la escuela, estar en la escuela, o tener un certificado de G.E.D.
Una vez que Jonathan obtenga el DACA, y si tiene alguna razón humanitaria, educativa o relacionada con el trabajo, él podría solicitar un permiso para viajar al extranjero que se le llama Permiso Adelantado (Advance Parole) para poder salir y volver a entrar a los EE.UU. Ya con su entrada legal a los EE.UU., y una vez que su cónyuge se haga ciudadano/a de los Estados Unidos, Jonathan puede presentar la solicitud de residencia permanente en los EE.UU. El cónyuge de Jonathan debe solicitar la ciudadanía tan pronto como le sea posible; por lo general, toma cinco años para obtener la ciudadanía después de haber obtenido la residencia permanente.
Esta es información general sobre inmigración en los EE.UU., no debe de ser tomada como consejo específico para un caso en particular. Los casos de inmigración pueden ser muy
complejos y es siempre mejor consultar con un abogado de inmigración. Puede programar una consulta con la abogada Margaret O’Donnell llamando al (206) 774 8758 o por correo electrónico a firstname.lastname@example.org.
Articulo Contribuido por las Oficinas de la Abogada de Inmigración, Margaret O’Donnell:
655 S. Orcas St. Suite 210
Seattle, WA 98108
Jonathan was brought to the U.S. undocumented in 1996 when he was five years old and has not left the country since then. He finished high school and has been working as a server at a restaurant for a number of years. Jonathan got married in 2013, and his spouse is a lawful permanent resident. Is there any way for Jonathan to get legal status?
Yes. Jonathan’s first step is to apply for Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA), which provides protection from deportation and a work permit for some of those brought to the US undocumented before age 16. Among other requirements, DACA-eligible young people must be at least age 15 at the time of application; prove continuous presence in the US since June 15, 2007; be under 31 years of age as of June 15, 2012; and be high school graduates, in school, or have a G.E.D.
Once Jonathan has DACA, and if he has a humanitarian, work-related, or educational reason to travel overseas, he may request Advance Parole for permission to leave and re-enter the US. With his lawful entry, and once his spouse is a US citizen, Jonathan may submit his application for permanent residence in the US. Jonathan’s spouse should apply for citizenship as soon as possible; usually, this is five years after gaining permanent residence.
You should consult with an immigration attorney to see if you are eligible for DACA, or any other immigration benefit. You can schedule a consultation with attorney Margaret O’Donnell by calling (206) 774-8758 or emailing email@example.com.
Article Contributed by:
The Law Offices of Margaret O’Donnell, IMMIGRATION ATTORNEY
655 S. Orcas St. Suite 210
Seattle, WA 98108
Article from “The Washington Post”
Immigrants and their supporters with the group “We Are CASA” protest planned raids to deport illegal immigrants during a rally in Lafayette Park next to the White House in December. (Saul Loeb/AFP/Getty Images)
By Robert Barnes and Juliet Eilperin January 19 at 8:07 PM – The Washington Post
The Supreme Court announced Tuesday that it will consider whether President Obama exceeded his powers in trying to shield millions of illegal immigrants from deportation, stepping into one of the most contentious topics in the nation’s political debate.
A positive ruling from the justices would provide Obama his last chance before leaving office to protect more than 4 million people who are parents of citizens or of lawful permanent residents and allow them to “come out from the shadows” to work legally, as he put it when announcing the program in November 2014. The initiative was challenged by 26 states and has been blocked by lower courts.
The Supreme Court will find itself once again reviewing a top priority of the Obama administration; in dramatic, high-profile cases, the court twice has saved the president’s Affordable Care Act from conservative legal challenges.
This time, the justices will confront the fundamental tension of the Obama years: whether the president is using the substantial powers of his office to propel the nation past political gridlock or whether he has ignored constitutional boundaries to unilaterally impose prescriptions that require congressional approval.
The court amped up the legal importance of the case by adding a constitutional question: whether Obama’s actions violated the “take care” clause, which commands the president to “take care that the laws be faithfully executed.”
In vowing to aggressively use executive action to counter congressional inaction on his priorities, Obama has caused his greatest confrontations with Republicans and led them to claim that he disregards the Constitution.
The new case adds yet another controversy to a Supreme Court docket this term that already includes abortion rights, affirmative action and the rights of religious objectors to not provide employees with contraceptive coverage. Most or all of those decisions will land in June, just before Republicans and Democrats officially choose their nominees to succeed Obama.
The president’s immigration program, Deferred Action for Parents of Americans and Lawful Permanent Residents (DAPA), has split the presidential candidates. Republicans have said they would reverse it immediately if it ever took effect. Democratic hopefuls have said they would expand upon it.
It would allow illegal immigrants in the affected categories to remain in the country and apply for work permits if they have been here at least five years and have not committed felonies or repeated misdemeanors.
The administration says the program is a way for a government with limited resources to prioritize which illegal immigrants it will move first to deport. As a practical matter, the government has never deported more than 500,000 undocumented immigrants per year and often sends home far fewer than that.
But Texas and 25 other Republican-led states sued to stop the initiative, and a federal district judge in Texas and then a panel of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 5th Circuit said the program could not be implemented.
Obama’s immigration plan, by the numbers
President Obama announced new action to delay the deportation of about 4 million undocumented immigrants living in the United States. Here are some numbers to know about immigration. (Julie Percha/The Washington Post)
The states said that the program “would be one of the largest changes in immigration policy in our nation’s history” and that it raised major issues involving the separation of powers and federalism.
“DAPA is a crucial change in the Nation’s immigration law and policy — and that is precisely why it could be created only by Congress, rather than unilaterally imposed by the Executive,” Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton (R) said in a filing to the court.
The Obama administration had urged the court to accept the case in time to hear it during the current term, and White House officials said they were confident their side would prevail.
Speaking to reporters Tuesday, White House press secretary Josh Earnest said Obama’s actions were “clearly within the confines of his authority as president of the United States.”
“We’ve got a lot of confidence in the legal arguments that we’ll be making before the court,” Earnest said, adding that the administration has not only a legal case to make but also a policy argument about “the practical impact, the positive impact” of the executive actions “on the security of communities across the country.”
The administration contends that the states have no legal standing to sue because it is up to the federal government to set immigration policy and that the Department of Homeland Security did not violate federal statutes in devising the program.
The government’s decision to set priorities about whom to deport was a practical response to financial constraints, the administration says. Congress has given it enough money to deport no more than about 400,000 of the nation’s estimated 11 million illegal immigrants, according to the government.
In the administration’s petition to the court, Solicitor General Donald B. Verrilli Jr. said that the lower courts had ignored “established limits on the judicial power. If left undisturbed, [the rulings] will allow States to frustrate the federal government’s enforcement of the Nation’s immigration laws.”
Verrilli said that if not reversed, the rulings “will force millions of people — who are not removal priorities under criteria the court conceded are valid, and who are parents of U.S. citizens and permanent residents — to continue to work off the books, without the option of lawful employment to provide for their families.”
The administration has challenged Texas’s legal standing to sue. District Judge Andrew S. Hanen agreed with the state that, because it would face a financial cost in providing driver’s licenses to those covered by the new program, it had standing to challenge the initiative. The administration countered that Texas was not required to issue the licenses. It should not be able to injure itself, Verrilli argued, to achieve standing to sue.
In the appeals court decision, U.S. Circuit Judge Jerry Smith rejected the administration’s argument that DAPA was a form of “prosecutorial discretion” in which a government with limited resources sets priorities for enforcement.
The program, Smith wrote, “is much more than nonenforcement: It would affirmatively confer ‘lawful presence’ and associated benefits on a class of unlawfully present aliens. Though revocable, that change in designation would trigger” eligibility for federal and state benefits “that would not otherwise be available to illegal aliens.”
The administration has made clear that it will rely heavily on a 2012 Supreme Court decision that struck down parts of an Arizona law restricting immigration and that said “the removal process is entrusted to the discretion of the federal government.”
Verrilli, in his petition to the Supreme Court, also disputed the lower court’s ruling that the DHS secretary had exceeded his authority in issuing “guidance” about how to treat the illegal immigrants.
Under the appeals court’s reasoning, Verrilli said, immigration laws allow the secretary to decide that individuals may remain in the country for a period of time but bar him “from enabling them to work lawfully to support themselves and their families while they are here. Congress did not constrain the secretary’s broad discretion to such half-measures.”
Even as Earnest, the White House press secretary, highlighted support for the administration’s position — noting that “there are other states and the District of Columbia that have filed paperwork indicating they strongly support implementation of these executive actions” — he acknowledged that it is unclear how much of the program could be implemented before Obama leaves office.
Since every Republican vying for the party’s presidential nomination has voiced opposition to Obama’s plan, Earnest observed that only Congress could deliver a lasting solution to the question of illegal immigration in the United States, since “executive actions can be reversed by subsequent presidents.”
The case is United States v. Texas.
David Nakamura contributed to this report.
Robert Barnes has been a Washington Post reporter and editor since 1987. He has covered the Supreme Court since November 2006.
Juliet Eilperin is The Washington Post’s White House bureau chief, covering domestic and foreign policy as well as the culture of 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue. She is the author of two books—one on sharks, and another on Congress, not to be confused with each other—and has worked for the Post since 1998.